When
Cameron and the Coalition decided to fix Parliamentary terms at five years, did
they have any regard at all for the longer sweep of history in the UK ? Since the beginning of the 18th
Century through to the present there have been many times in the past when
politics went into spasm and governments into paralysis.
The way out
of this was to call a general election.
This was not always successful if the political breakdown was deep
seated and persistent. But there were
times when the politicians, faced with a possible election, came to some sort
of agreement or compromise.
In the
deeper past coalitions, sometimes of unlikely partners, might occur and there
were often movements of interest and support to contend with. The 1920’s and 1930’s was a time of shifting
ground and uncertainty. This had the
effect then of giving authority to the relatively recent professional civil
service and Bank of England.
After 1945
this changed and until 2010 there was no formal coalition of parties. There was a period between 1974 and 1979 when
not only did the Labour government go full term, but it relied on Liberal votes
to keep it going before going down to defeat.
The problems in the Liberal Party in that period did not allow them to
claim much power.
The
conventional thought was that a system that delivered majority governments was
necessarily good because it meant more stability and enabled politicians to
exert some sort of democratic control.
This was
not necessarily the case in that both the majority parties had elements within
them that occasioned strife and uncertainty.
Also, in the 1950 to 2010 period a surprising number of governments did
not go full term between elections for a variety of reasons.
One was
that to go full term allowed too much scope for rebels or awkward squads in the
parties. Another was that it left too
much to chance and untoward events.
Also, governments might begin to run out of steam. Whatever the particular reasons it was
reckoned that to decide the election date gave advantage to the ruling party.
What has been
forgotten is that coalitions and fixed terms of office do not go together. The ability to go to the electorate at any
time has always been a useful corrective and safeguard for a government faced
with a chaotic or impossible situation.
In the USA and
other places the endless squabbling, brinkmanship and wheeler dealing arising
from the electoral systems may be a useful exercise in democracy at some times,
but in crises or periods of real difficulty can be a handicap and an invitation
to flawed decisions. At least the USA system with
rolling elections offers more opportunities for choice.
At present
we are told that we have a Coalition government now beginning to disagree and
dispute about more issues than it is in agreement with. There is a Liberal Democrat Party that is
neither Liberal nor democratic, actively blocking changes needed to readjust
the electoral system to be more representative.
We are told
by a former insider that the Government only deals with thirty per cent of its
business the rest being left to rubber stamping European legislation etc. and
to “updating” by a civil service that is not professional but interlocked with
the lobby groups and other outside spheres of management.
There are
all the signs that the Cameron government could soon go into a phase of stasis
with no way out. That the campaign for
the next election has begun is not in doubt.
Only instead of perhaps the electorate making its choices within months
we are stuck to 2015. Worse, if that
election does not resolve issues we are then still stuck until 2020.
So with a
government that controls only thirty per cent of its current business and
unable to make effective decisions in that sphere, it is an open invitation for
all the either irresponsible or worse dogmatic destructive elements to make
mischief. Given the vulnerability of the
UK
at present this is very dangerous.
Another
worry is that apparently the Labour Party is targeting one hundred seats in the
House of Commons for priority attention.
A report suggests that the Conservative Party has a list of forty key
seats. So what about the other five
hundred plus and their interests?
For either
party to assume that in these the existing incumbents or their ordinary
replacements are safe may not be wise in the event of further falls in the
number of voters with perhaps a drift to activist extremes.
Even so,
the implication is that neither of the two major parties will attend to the
actual full basis of their traditional support or their wishes. This could mean that the next election will
be fought to buy the votes of select minority interests who could swing the key
seats.
Given the
likely economic and political problems developing in the next couple of years
we may then have both before and after the next elections governments that are
in no way democratic, that do not really govern, simply applying political
cosmetics to the flow of events, are locked into systems beyond their control
and rely on a management cult civil service and agencies that simply go their
own way.
And it all
depends on being able to recycle the growing debt. Tony Blair, it is said, has opened a market
trading desk in his Mayfair offices. Does he, I wonder, see the UK as a major
sell option to boost his fortunes?
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